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Atlanta college students wanted him to help
them commemorate the sixth anniversary of the Brown decision. They
had planned to march from Atlanta University to the state capitol
for a rally, but Governor Vandiver I just announced that he would
use state troopers to prevent any Negro from setting foot on the
capitol lawn. Vandiver's warning caused tremors within Atlanta's
Negro leadership. The six presidents of the Atlanta University colleges
were asking what good could come of it. The students, who had remained
mere observers of the sit in movement since their one day demonstration
in March, pleaded with King to support them, but their elders argued
that it would be sheer folly for King to cross Governor of Georgia
over something so trivial as an aborted student march. Vandiver's
antipathy for King was a matter of public record.
Students gathered the next morning not knowing whether they would
march or King would come. Dr. Brawley of Clark College took the
most extreme position of the six presidents: he ordered the doors
of the gymnasium locked from the outside in an effort to keep the
students from marching. But someone slipped out a window to spring
the locks, and the Clark students joined an immense tide of students
that prayed, caucused, and sang, then surged into the streets 1,500
strong. They marched from the West Side to the perimeter of the
capitol grounds, where they found that the governor indeed had posted
state trooper's with orders not
to let them pass. From there, the main body of students retreated
eastward through downtown Atlanta reversing the historical path
of Negro migration from the city toward Auburn Avenue.
Borders had agreed to let them hold their rally
at Wheat Street Baptist Church. The students had heard radio bulletins
that King was flying in from Montgomery expressly to join them,
but conflicting rumors buzzed until the head of the column came
into sight of Borders and King together at the top of the Wheat
Street steps. Waving and beaming, the two preachers greeted the
students like victorious pilgrims. A great shout of triumph went
back through the line of marchers, and when the rally began, King
commended the students for their nonviolence and for having the
courage to take a stand. King praised Borders, Borders praised King,
and everyone praised the students even the college presidents who
had urged them not to march. All six turned up on the dais during
the rally, giving thanks that their fears had been proven wrong.
The goodwill was so pervasive that no one thought ill of the presidents
or begrudged them their places of honor.
During the Atlanta student march, white pedestrians stood silently
for the most part, gawking at the endless procession. A bewildered
woman matter of factly said, "I didn't know there were that
many niggers in college." Her comment, which made the newspapers,
was fairly representative of the national state of mind. For the
vast majority of Americans who were not directly threatened or inspired
by the demonstrations, the very existence of large masses of Negro
college students came as a revelation. Hitherto, whites had been
able to categorize Negroes as both a class and a race of laborers,
because the educated ones they knew tended to be famous, idiosyncratic
by definition and set apart from ordinary life. Even in the North,
white collar Negroes were an uncommon sight in the downtown business
districts. Now, suddenly, their presence in sufficient numbers to
clog streets or fill up jails began to register, and more than a
few members of the majority culture wondered how they would fit
into the greater scheme of things
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